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xcurmudgeon

Hard Lessons, III: Finals

by: Teddy Goodson

Fri Nov 06, 2009 at 18:22:33 PM EST


( - promoted by Teddy Goodson)

Dawn does arrive, maybe a few clouds obscure the sun at first, but it is there and it shines on both the just and the unjust, whether they deserve it or not. The test then becomes: are we ready to carpe diem? We've glanced at the forest rather than the trees in being frank about the UN-INCLUSIVE BIG LIBERAL TENT, political PHILOSOPHY UBER ALLES, then OBAMA AND THE BASE, and the curious CANDIDATE-CENTRIC, SHORT-TERM LIFE CYCLE of the Party. Now, a quick finish:

THE PERMANENT CAMPAIGN

If Democrats really feel they have something to offer, and if they want to win future elections, they cannot fall into a coma between elections. The Republican Party, always more organized and disciplined and usually better funded, has mutated from a similar election-timed, candidate-centric operation into an ideological machine that looks and acts more like a "movement."  

Increasingly rabid, ideologically-based elements keep pulling the Republican Party further toward what is often referred to as "far right." These elements may struggle with the still powerful neo-conservative block (which, ironically, originally sprang from a group of parlor-pink intellectual Marxists in mid-20th century), or with Big Money global corporate sponsors, but all manage to agree with the apocalyptic, Revelations-based, Bible-thumping evangelical Christian wing on a super-patriotic, militaristic Wild West capitalistic Free Market world view that hates taxes and "big government," loves "personal responsibility," and seeks to establish a mythical Constitution-based society as envisioned (they say) by Our Founding Fathers---- oh yes, and by Jesus.  

Teddy Goodson :: Hard Lessons, III: Finals
This mishmash has created a potent frame of reference for almost any occasion, and a compelling world view which is always on stage, politicizing everything.  The result over the past 25-plus years has been that Republicans are now in permanent campaign mode, leaving them precious little time to govern if they happen to win an election. They are always on the attack, perhaps partly to keep their various bases stirred up, angry, fearful, and involved. To Democrats the spectacle passes bizarre---- yet how does one respond to so much irrationality? to inexplicable eruptions of fury fixated on what are minor irrelevancies blown out of proportion? to stubborn obstructionism for the sake of obstructionism? to outright lies and fiction repeated so often the public accepts them as fact?  If you are in office how do you govern when there is no cooperation from the counter-party?  

It's hard to drain the swamp when you are up to your navel in alligators, especially if your own group is in hiatus because it's between elections. Most Democratic voters are not political junkies; you could describe them as generally indifferent to the administration of government, absent a breakdown in services or some major scandal.  True, some Democrats have a public concern (climate change, starvation in Darfur) but seldom like Republicans who have Causes (and who mock or denigrate the concerns of Democrats----- "tree huggers," "liberals")  There is, in other words, a gap in enthusiasm and commitment not to mention the constant talk-talk.  

Therefore, Democratic activists and leaders will have to step it up to the next level to have any hope of containing Republican excesses, governing effectively if they happen to win an election, and protecting their own base. Democrats must respond with their own form of permanent campaign, a 24/7 political alert response system based within the Party.  To avoid always being reactive and therefore behind the power curve, Democrats must have a mechanism for presenting their own alternate story, recommending alternative actions, or showcasing Republican mistakes and lies when appropriate.  

Democrats can no longer rely on the shrunken or corrupted media to do these things for them. This means, no more between-election comas.  Only a fully awake Party system will do, and additional support must be developed.  I refer to think tanks, research outfits, interest groups disguised as "fronts," and so on, ready to backstop the Democrats---- similar to the Republican-oriented American Free Enterprise Institute, the Heritage Foundation, the Chamber of Commerce, Focus on the Family, and so on.  It would be even better if eventually a strong media outlet fell under liberal control. But developing a broad base in the "new media" online would be even better, thus making an end run around talk radio and pulling in the naturally Democratic demographic of young, Obama voters. Indeed, there should be an entire division of the Party set up to develop and maintain a permanent Democratic presence in the new media because control of information is the key to controlling out-of control Republicans.

GETTING ORGANIZED: NOT A FOUR-LETTER WORD

I hesitate to use the word organize in connection with Democrats, but Democrats really can do it: look at Barack Obama's stunningly efficient campaign organization. Sloppiness and minor incompetence can often be overcome or made irrelevant in a properly designed administrative setup.  

The permanent campaign requires that Democrats have a top-to-bottom makeover.  Example: it makes no sense to develop local voter lists intermittently, when "needed" by a candidate.  Establishing a strong base of committed Democrats and turning that base out reliably for every election including niggling special elections or mid-terms will be the name of the game for the foreseeable future.  

A committee member (precinct captain?) should know their turf, their precinct, intimately, especially its strong Dems---- who moves in or out, who dies, who goes away to college or overseas, even who needs help---- and keep records like the old ward bosses of Tammany Hall insofar as possible.  Credit card companies and grocery stores know all about their clients and customers; so should a political party, at least on things that matter politically. At election time the precinct captain or committee member should walk the precinct with the candidate, hold functions for the candidate, provide internet coverage---- whatever is helpful.

This is asking a lot of volunteers, so there has to be professional help available.  It also requires money to support such an organization, and it means there has to be special outreach. By "outreach" I mean: 1) recruitment of new Committee members and friends or allies, 2) proselyting, 3) promoting Democratic policies and points of view to the otherwise uninvolved public (a public which may well be brainwashed by pro-Republican media outlets like Fox) through various means including regular letters to the editor, op-ed pieces, local television interviews and so on, and 4) parties or other functions for fun and/or profit (white elephant sales, awards dinners, J-J Dinners, 4th of July parades....)

Therefore, establish a permanent professional staff; if some Democratic Committees are too small, too rural for such a phenomenon, then the State Party must set up circuit-riding executive secretaries for some areas. As for money, unless there is some law against it I believe every State Party should have a permanent endowment fund, organized however works best.  This fund can be based on personal contributions, donations from wills and estates, sale of bonds, money from functions (even bake sales), whatever works, the more the merrier.  What an endowment can do is free the Party from excessive reliance on donations from special interests when it comes to funding Party administration and some aspects of campaigns. Not only do we need a strong permanent Party organization at every level, we need a professional paid staff and an endowment fund separate from campaign funds which will maintain the staff and equipment.

All of this keeps the Party on its toes and ready to win elections so as to implement explicit Democratic policies which have been well-thought out and matured---- rather than waiting for a candidate to come up with some half-baked ideas in the midst of running a campaign because he or she needs to say something on their web site. (This does not eliminate candidate's own ideas).

Yes, American political parties will henceforth be more ideological as a result.  The truth is, Republicans are already far down this road. Democrats must respond on this level without giving up their broad, people-based style. WE are behind the power curve and need to hustle.

SUMMARY

Whatever you think of the problems presented, they are just a partial list, intended to spark discussion, see list below:

1) Democrats squandered a great opportunity when the Party failed to integrate all those new Obama voters into the Party, turning them into lifelong Democrats, who could have made all the difference in the recent election;

2) Democrats must immediately cease pretending to be Republican Lite, stop making obeisance to disastrous Freidman Free Market economic theories, and fight openly for a coherent alternative economic philosophy with better political implications.  That is, quit sucking up to the Conventional Wisdom;

3) The Democrats' progressive grassroots base often felt marginalized and betrayed by the choices of the Obama administration, which was doing nothing to strengthen the Party; and Obama showed a glaring lack of political leadership, especially in developing health care legislation.  These missteps surrendered the initiative to bitter Republicans at a crucial time, and disheartened Democrats in local and state elections.

4) The Democratic Party is hamstrung by a candidate-centric short-term life cycle based on elections. We have no explicit, distinctive political philosophy or program because these are determined ad hoc by candidates for each election; the candidate selection and campaign process is often incoherent. No wonder voters cannot figure out what Democrats "stand for," and Democrats often let Republicans define them instead of defining themselves.

5) Thanks to the Republicans' relentless permanent campaign, and the bizarre sudden eruption of Republicans' irrational attacks, unexpected swift-boating or meddling, Democrats must develop a 24/7 response system within the Party, a mechanism for continually presenting Democratic values and alternate view, and a permanent, broad-based presence in the new media on-line.

6) Local Democratic Committees need to be beefed up and provided with professional staff support so as to develop a continuous strong local party presence with control of their own turf; State Committees should have an endowment fund to support the stronger administration and development of the Democratic response to the permanent campaign.  

Good fortune is not just luck, and winning elections (or any fight) usually favors the prepared and the clever. Welcome to the 21st Century.

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In "part I", you seemed to have (0.00 / 0)
asked me, specifically, to participate in the discussion of parts II and III, so I'll try. But not tonight. Today has been another Free Clinic day which is always a "draining" experience, both physically and emotionally. But, certainly, I do have comments on most (if not all) your points. Tomorrow :)

I eagerly await your comments (0.00 / 0)


[ Parent ]
I don't agree with point 3 of your summary. First, the Progressive (0.00 / 0)
grassroots base felt marginalized and betrayed by the Democratic Party of Virginia's senior so-called leaders who were playing politics for their own personal turfs while betraying decent Democrats who were in the way. Second, in many ways the so-called coordinated campaign was detrimental, but I do not think they are willing to do the root-cause analysist to figure out why they screwed up. Third, if there were "professionals" sent by or run by the DPV of Richmond's GOBs, they will exert even stronger control over local committees to the beneift of the Richmond GOBs, not for the benefit of the local committees.

I do agree that local committees need to be better organized, work to build up their local organizations, and reach out to the Obama supports and actually make sure that they are active participants rather than kept at arm's length.

Obama has not had the mastry of Washington politics the way that Lyndon Johnson did, but he is facing similar problems that we are. Nancy Pelosi is working based on her own agenda and Harry Reid is running on his own agenda. They are not the same.

It is likely that McDonnell will crash and burn on many of his promises. As I under stand it there is no significant oil off the coast of Virgina; besides, the Navy and Nasa do not want any drilling, and even if there were oil or natural gas the revenuse would go to the Fed anyway. If McDonnell guts the General Fund to pay for roads, it will hurt K-12 schools, community colleges, and universities as well as safety and health systems. When lowers taxes and removes regulations, it is doubtful that this will cause significant job growth. If he pushes to allow large coal fired electrical plants and esases regulations on waste, this will seriously hurt water and sir quality. We should plan to respond to these failures the same way the have done to Democrats in Washington and Virginia.


Tammany Hall was corrupt, yes we can change takes time,Rome wasn't built in a day... (0.00 / 0)
(Point 3, the art of building long term and governing, vs. campaigning)More and more, I think it would be helpful for progressives who are idealist about the future of the country, to compartmentalize, and learn about the system they chose to participate in.  This is where US History classes and political science classes on the American Government would come in handy and give em youngins a more pragmatic approach.  The Republican Party, is in decline with Palin, and Beck, and Fox News, but rewind that bad memory just a couple years back and Fox News the Noise Machine became dominant, at the crossroads of the Republican Party being dominant and at the beginning of the end, with the rise of Howard Dean's campaign that begat bloggers like Raising Kaine and BlueCommonwealth;same with New Deal at the height in 1976).  When Alito and Roberts were confirmed, they were confirmed by the same congress that Newt Gingrich brought to power in 1995. This Congress was based on Reaganism. Reaganism was Ronald Reagan, Reagan, also begat Bush Sr. which gave us Clarence Thomas, and the condition that got Reagan elected was a weak President Carter. Carter took advantage,much like Wilson in the early Republican Dominance of the 1896 generational realignment,of Nixonian corruption, that while corrupt was led by a president who realigned the country to conservation in the 1968 election. And it was all made possible by Goldwater in 64. Building Blocks. FDR's coaltion was the same thing.  Republicans have been losing special elections, the win this last Tuesday and its media attention were cut short by the Ft. Hood shootings. Teabaggers are targeting their own kind,like the 23 candidate and, Charlie Crist,for not being pure.

Meanwhile,Democratic Party President Obama is getting bipartisan support in Maine Senators, there's this appeal to the Blue Dogs. Passing legislation is harder than going to the Capitol with your bullhorn and yelling we demand everything right now. And the Civil War, Progressive Era, New Deal, and Great Society, produced great legislation for the good of humanity, but each had its Jazz Age Conservative,Gilded Age and Reagan Revolution, that puts the accomplishments in long view.  

As to your point on Tammany Hall organization, Tammany Hall was extremely corrupt(Tweed Ring, Mayor Jimmy Walker)-FDR put an end to that as Governor, as did Mayor LaGuardia. Obama can still turn these young voters into Democrats by aggressively campaigning for Congress in midterms during 2010, and then asking people to join the cause one more time in 2012.
Also, back in those days you had machines like Tammany Hall, the Pendergast Machine, the Daley Machine, and it would be that you were poor and your captain made sure you had a Turkey for Thanksgiving, a blanket in case your house burned down. Most voters had little or no education. Now, those same environments, don't apply. People have degrees from secondary school-more money, all jobs are not Union based,that is to say there is a Professional Class.

(Points 4,5)Permanent campaigns are bi-partisan things. Tim Russert was very fond of them and I wouldn't call him a wing nut conservative. Democrats won in 2006 and 2008 in large part to expanding their base and going after traditional GOP seats. No Democrat could go to North Carolina and knock of Liddy Dole,by saying let's expand government, get serious about Global Warming and crack down on the causes of lung cancer, and expect to get elected-and Kay Hagin didn't do that to get elected. In fact Dems got Gov. Casey Sr's message, and said his son can disagree with the party's platform on abortion. I also thought the Daily Show with Jon Stewart and the Colbert Report were the media arm of the Democratic Party-Stephen Colbert, "find your principles Senator Liebreman and then tell us what they are." So I think pragmatic thinking here, of what is happening on the ground,what we have, want the GOP has and what neither of us does AKA the rise of Independents, is needed. They were called the New Deal and Reagan coalitions for a reason.  


Steven Colbert (0.00 / 0)
imho Steven Colbert isn't really the media arm of the Democrats.  He appeals equally to liberals who get his satire and to conservatives who take him literally.


"One person, one vote" died at the hands of SCOTUS, January 21, 2010

[ Parent ]
Liddy Dole (0.00 / 0)
Liddy Dole gave Kay Hagan (my future Sentator --one day) a lot of help.  She was AWOL from NC, actually living in DC/NOVA or Kansas.  She did nothing for the state, took them for a ride.  Kay Kagan came along with the perfect trio: good timing, good candidate, and Obama.

"One person, one vote" died at the hands of SCOTUS, January 21, 2010

[ Parent ]
Correction (0.00 / 0)
In the second reference to her I typo'd Kay Hagan's last name.  It should be Hagan (correct spelling).

"One person, one vote" died at the hands of SCOTUS, January 21, 2010

[ Parent ]
Lots of good, thoughtful comments (0.00 / 0)
here, and that is what I hoped for. A few things I want to add based on the comments:
1) Being from New York originally (I have a half Northern, half-Southern background) I well understand the corruption of Tammany Hall; I did not mean for the corruption to be our model, but rather the very personal understanding of the voters the ward heelers had.
2) I agree there is danger that a stronger table of organization could give those barnacle-encrusted GOBs (and some GOGs) an even nastier stranglehold on the Party, so we have to re-organize carefully, maybe getting rid of the worst--- one of the principal jobs of a leader is to train his/her replacement, and then get out of the way so the replacement can lead.
3) Paid staff is a problem, too; locals have to be able to fire them, for one thing.  For another, their job is to do the grunt stuff, not set policy or do politicking as such. But we have to have the help---- and the technology to use them effectively.

I am disappointed there has been so little said about 2, 5, and 6. I want to see at least a few common Democratic principles and an end to this Republican Lite crap coming from Blue Dogs (and others).  I believe we have to respond more effectively to Republican attacks (so the White House doesn't have to get into the muck, for example), we also need more investment in alternate media. And we need more money (doesn't everyone?) beyond the control of corporations.  And, where is the progressive infrastructure of think tanks and front organizations?


could you go into detail of Tammany Hall then? (0.00 / 0)
As a person who grew up in the DC region, and has family back in Massachusetts, I can only compare Barry with Curley. And for real Democratic credentials my family grew up in Cambridge and had and knew Tip O'Neil,but that's a different matter.  But even though I have relatives in New York, they are more distant and I've never learned the NY politics, as I've learned about the Rascal King, and for that matter, for anyone just familiar with what they learned in grade school or college about the corruption aspect with the Tweed Ring, and not the general intricacies of how Tammany Hall worked,could you explain then in detail how the Hall relates to this situation?  

[ Parent ]
Tammany Hall (0.00 / 0)
was, uh, organized to elect men to office who would see to it that selected persons and firms got lucrative City contracts and other rewards (sort of like Karzai in Kabul, truth be told). These fat cats were so bad that Tom Nast as a political cartoonist created fantastic cartoons exposing their corruption and eventually helped bring the system down.  They had cappers and runners and bagmen, and put the muscle on anyone who stepped out of line.... However,

They met the boats bringing European immigrants to New York in steerage, marched them to political headquarters, registered them to vote, got them housing and jobs, helped them out with whatever problems they might have, including medicine when sick or lawyerly help when they got into trouble with the cops (whom Tammany also controlled).  All that the Hall asked for back was total loyalty and their vote at election time. The ward heelers knew everything about their territory, what needed repair, how labor was treated, and could deliver whatever The Boss might require.

Could we please have just a little bit of that specialized personal interest and knowledge from our local committees (without all the muscle and graft, of course)


[ Parent ]
Nast went after Tweed but Tammany survived until the New Deal as a social service organization (0.00 / 0)
The New Deal agencies by-passed and eliminate the connection between working class voters and the local D organizations such as those run by my namesake.  It's this by-passing of local Democratic organizations that caused old line D's, like Al Smith, to split with FDR and oppose the New Deal legislation.

Tammany was choosing candidates to favor in primaries far into the '60s but it lost the ability to reliably deliver the vote, thus, Lindsey's win.

Tweed was corrupt. Tammany less so.  The legend of corruption is a convenient meme by the R's to discredit an effective political/social service organization that effectively helped millions move from abject poverty into the middle class. Don't fall for it.

Tammany cannot serve as a model today because, since FDR, social services continue to be provided by the Federal gov't without regard to party loyalty.


[ Parent ]
Thanks (0.00 / 0)
I was a Republican in those days, and did not "get" some of those details (I was too young to understand, anyway). Tom Dewey went after organized crime in New York. We had quite a tradition of crusading District Attorneys.

[ Parent ]
Good Post (0.00 / 0)
An excellent post that has caused excellent commentary. I wholeheartedly agree that we Democrats need to understand that a political party should always be in campaign-mode, not to be like the screaming Rethugs, but to rapidly respond to events as they unfold. This will be very important as McDonnell takes office.

One of the things we cannot lose sight of, however, is that at heart Virginia is a center-right state. It actually in recent years has moved from much farther right, but its citizens have always been wary of government. Jim Webb understood that when he campaigned, as did Mark Warner. This is not a reborn-blue state, and I don't envision that being the case in my lifetime.

I was amazed that President Obama won so convincingly here, but then, I have never seen a campaign organization with that level of expertise and ability that had a "D" on it. State Democrats cannot expect to get those results without a similar effort, and we sure didn't have that this time around.

I have always been sad that the prevailing attitude of far too many working class Virginians has been that they like being led and not having to think about it. Look at the difficulty in getting workers to organize here and in other parts of the South. If the boss says they don't need a bad old union, they agree.

The state's history, combined with the control of the old Byrd machine until the 1960's, has a lot to do with it.

We've got some real organizing to do here.


"Real organizing" (0.00 / 0)
starts here, I am afraid. It will not come from the established hierarchy, such as it and what there is of it.  We progressives at the grassroots will have to do it. These discussions are the start, I trust.  What you hear is not the whine of frustration but the engine starting to pull the Democrats out of their 20th Century fog.

[ Parent ]
Virginia's authoritarian culture is centuries old - read "Dominion of Memory" by Susan Dunne (0.00 / 0)
n/t

[ Parent ]
I can't remember... (0.00 / 0)
...whether it was W. J. Cash (The Mind of the South in 1929) or V. O. Key (Southern Politics in State and Nation in 1949) who noted that Virginia has no tradition of populism, almost alone among the Southern states.  It was true in 1929, it was true in 1949, and, aside from a quick burst from Henry Howell in the 1970's, nothing has changed.

[ Parent ]
Permanent campaign and messaging (4.00 / 2)
What the American Enterprise Institute, Focus on the Family and other groups like them have provided is the 365-day barrage of a consistent message.  We don't really have the same bloc of doctrinaire, "don't confuse me with the facts" organizations hitting the talk shows and giving press conferences to react to events in February or other months when no one is paying attention to candidates because the next election is too far away, or when there may not even be a Democratic candidate selected yet.

My sense, after looking at this in depth in prior House of Delegates campaign years, is that the players in state government in Virginia -- at least on the Democratic side -- are so protective of their own campaigns and their own chances that they are absolutely unwilling to run with a statewide message.  This year I can understand why local candidates may have not wanted to get tied too closely to Creigh Deeds (though if all of the players had gotten together in June and agreed to play together, there may have been some influences to push Creigh in a less disastrous direction), but why didn't we try to have a statewide message in 2007?  Lots of Democrats talked about transportation and gridlock in 2007, but the only ones who beat Republican incumbents were in Northern Virginia and Virginia Beach.  In 2007 we had close and competitive HoD and Senate races in the hinterlands, but running on transportation needs in Danville means talking about US 58 and US 29, not gridlock and HOV lanes.  I tried to persuade House Caucus people in 2007 to come up with a "Contract for Virginia" that would have given every HoD candidate a platform to run on.  Then the House Caucus could have run ads on the theme of the entire platform, and the ads could have run statewide for less money, per voter reached, than if the same themes were being sounded by each individual HoD candidate.

Suppose, to put it in 2009 terms, that the Democrats had declared a statewide campaign platform that would have emphasized making government work.  The campaign could have targeted legislative gridlock, traffic gridlock, Phil Hamilton, nonpartisan redistricting (Creigh Deeds), saving the AAA bond rating (Jody Wagner), the Amber Alert program (for Steve Shannon), and could have done so with a spirit that defended the notion that government could do good things rather than being simply "a necessary evil," in Ken Cuccinelli's phrase.  It could have served as a breakwater against the tsunami that was based on the premise that taxes and government and Obama were all evil.

I'm not saying that this alone could have saved the Deeds campaign, but I'll bet it would have had at least three effects:

1.  It would have at least created engagement on the central issue of the year -- whether government is good or evil.

2.  It would have given Democrats a sense that we were FOR something, giving us more energy and more reason to tell people to vote FOR us and our candidates.

3.  I'd bet that it would have saved at least a few of the HoD candidates who lost narrowly.

Lord knows that it couldn't have done worse.  In the memorable words of Lucille Ball, if I have a choice of feeling bad about something I did and feeling bad about something I didn't do, I'd rather feel bad about something I did.

The reality, though, is that you need two things to put forth a plan like that:

a.  Leadership.  Some leader who is willing to stick his neck out, and to knock a few heads around to make this happen.

b.  Money or power in the hands of the leader noted above, to give that leader the ability to cajole or force compliance, and to run the central campaign regardless of the ability of local candidates to fund it in their areas.  

Unity does not come naturally to the House and Senate; their egos are substantial, and the Democratic "big tent" means that we have a lot of Democratic officeholders who disagree with other Democratic officeholders.  So it won't be easy, particularly if the effort begins in June of every odd-numbered year.  

Which gets back to the need for a year-round group to serve as the voice for Democratic thinking on issues, and to help candidates learn how to talk about issues in a Democratic frame of reference.  Suppose there were someone who could call up every new candidate and say, "Have you heard about the notion of 'framing'?  Have you read George Lakoff?  can we talk about how you can talk about issues in a way that makes you look good, rather than in a way that gives your Republican opponent an advantage?"  Much of this problem starts in the primary/nomination process.  I have seen lots of nomination fights where Democrats are talking about their tax-cutting prowess, using language that reinforces the notion that taxes are evil; then, when the nomination is decided, the Republican is also talking about how taxes are evil, and surprise!  No one is talking about how government can do good things!  If anyone tries to talk about how government can be a force for good, they are looked at as though they don't understand -- BECAUSE THE PLAYING FIELD WAS SET DURING THE NOMINATION FIGHT.  

Messaging has to start in Democratic Committee meetings, long before anyone nominates a candidate.  But if only the Republicans have anyone working on messaging, we start with a huge disadvantage.


Thank you (4.00 / 1)
for putting it so well. If we progressives figure out how to enforce this messaging, we will not have to depend on the strong leader you posited. The system itself would both come up with the coordinated platform and nurture, train, and graduate leaders who can follow through.... and I do not mean something like that ridiculous exercise at national quadrennial Party conventions when the party "platform" is devised and then immediately forgot.

What do you suggest to create that framework within the State Party to have co-ordinated message framing,  (other than smothering barnacle-encrusted GOBs and GOGs, please)?


[ Parent ]
Excellent comment n/t (0.00 / 0)


"One person, one vote" died at the hands of SCOTUS, January 21, 2010

[ Parent ]
Also, blogger can't do their thing without (0.00 / 0)
material.  And we cannot make it up!  By effectively reducing the echo chamber, the campaigns can reduce the extent to which their material catches on.

"One person, one vote" died at the hands of SCOTUS, January 21, 2010

[ Parent ]
And messaging is something (0.00 / 0)
we as blogger should pay more attention to. We are not immune to becoming defensive, taking up the GOP frame, etc.

And next time we need to get word to campaigns sooner that the messaging isn't working. I blame myself here too.  By the time anyone did, it was pretty late.

"One person, one vote" died at the hands of SCOTUS, January 21, 2010


[ Parent ]
I talk about the (0.00 / 0)
intersection of messaging, leadership and the voter in my latest blog.

"One person, one vote" died at the hands of SCOTUS, January 21, 2010

[ Parent ]
As to points ##1 & 3 - OFA v. DPV (4.00 / 1)
Immediately after the '08 election, people from OFA came to local Democratic committee meetings to describe its intent to continue in existence and become active in local campaigns.  When their rep was asked if OFA's intent was to have a separate endorsement/nomination process for state and local offices, their rep became vague and slightly defensive.

When DPV asked for lists of OFA '08 volunteers to help in this year's campaign, OFA refused. Now I read that OFA would not share its voter information either.

The impression left is that OFA is at the early stages of forming a new political party.  Whether that party is a new progressive party or an Obama "cult of personality" party remains to be seen.

In a swing state like Va., there are too few progressive resources to be split between OFA and DPV.  DPV shouldn't have to rebuild volunteer lists and voter lists already available through OFA but that's what I spent way too much time doing this fall.

OFA is certainly free to start a new party, hell, I might join if "blue dogs" keep being obstructionists.

But given the limited resources of volunteer time and money, trying to keep 2 nominally progressive parties alive in purple Va will only lead to more Taliban Bob victories.  

So it seems the first question that needs answering is OFA a cooperating part of the Democratic Party or is it a separate and occasionally competing, occasionally cooperating political organization like the Progressive and Conservative Parties in NY?


Good point on OFA and DPVA (0.00 / 0)
Maybe we should start asking OFA your questions  There is also Democracy for America from the Dean days, and they have some excellent education courses which I always felt the regular Party structure should use (I even paid for some new campaign workers to attend a couple of years ago). I do not believe the State headquarters crew will welcome OFA, but I wonder if local Democratic Committees might simply negotiate with the local OFA? Wouldn't OFA's sontacts with minority and young new voters help us bring these people into the process permanently (see my first point number 1 in "Hard Lessons, I").  

[ Parent ]
OFA/DFA and the Party (4.00 / 1)
I wasn't on the inside of the dispute, but I talked a bit with folks on both sides in December, as the issue of the lists was being brought up.  The Obama folks had their lists which they did not share, at least not with the local Party.  I was told by an Obama person that they couldn't share the lists because they were assets of a federally-financed campaign, and they claimed that there was some reason rooted in federal campaign finance laws.  Now, I don't claim a comprehensive knowledge of all of the advisory rulings and other sources of election law, but from what I do know, that is nonsense.  When I told the Obama person that, the response was, in essence, "That's our story and we're sticking with it."

But why?

The answer, I am sure, is tied up in the general notion of "We've got 'em, you can't make us give 'em to you, and we're not going to."  There was no reasoning with them.

Call it coincidence, but the head of the Obama campaign in Charlottesville sought the Democratic nomination for City Council, and she had access to volunteers and e-mail addresses and phone numbers of people who were not on other Democratic Party lists.  One of her campaign helpers told me that she was using the Obama lists.  She won, beating a mainstream incumbent for the nomination.  (She won on Tuesday also.)

That, of course, would not have been a decision made by Obama for America.  But it lends a little anecdotal support for your suggestion that perhaps OFA wanted to have an infrastructure independent of the Party infrastructure.

Now, that is frankly not terribly unusual -- most campaigns jealously guard their lists, and are reluctant to give the Party access, because the need to have access to useful lists of volunteers and contributors is a barrier to entry that keeps those without access from successfully competing.  But in 2002, Mark Warner's information became the origin of the Prevail data system that the State Party used until 2007.  I don't think that the Obama campaign was as generous.

Of course, the practical side of things is that unless they have been doing something to actively update the lists, they will be worthless in a few years.


[ Parent ]
The OFA (0.00 / 0)
will not share their lists undoubtedly because they realize that their base are voters with limited time and resources who they want to be working on the President's agenda and eventually his reelection. Diversion of resources to state matters is undoubtedly undesirable.

Why share potential campaign money?

Which whether you like the reasoning or not, brings up the next point: If Democrats can win regularly at the local level, are they more likely to win at the state level? Federal level? Presidency? If so, then we need to shift focus to getting more people interested in local politics and then start financing them appropriately.

Funds donated to the national party are spent down ballot as well but seeing as the few at the top of that ladder get to decide how to spend the money, one would wonder if because that can be a better mechanism for campaign finance, how to control where money goes. Or is ActBlue all we got?


[ Parent ]
Terrific Questions (0.00 / 0)
I especially was intrigued by your comment on getting more Dems elected locally. All politicas really is local.  Two things: in City of Fairfax, Council elections purport to be "non-partisan" although most of us know who the Dems and Repubs are, and the Council can serve as incubator for higher ambitions (Senator Chap Petersen started as a City Council member). In Virginia school boards are the other local channel for bringing candidates into the political process and grooming them for higher office. Worth thinking about.

[ Parent ]
Exactly (0.00 / 0)
So why don't we as a party spend more time flooding local races with money to ensure that we have better grasp of the bread and butter issues in local politics? Most of the real action is locally. Also, if we can elect more local politicians, we deny the opposition the ability to test and groom their next wave of state politicians. It sounds almost insidious but our communities could use the help.

[ Parent ]
An outsider's view (4.00 / 1)
It's hard to know where to start...

The T-shirt I got this year -- Deeds, not words -- will last me a long time, because it also happens to be my personal philosophy; I'd rather be doing than talking, as long as someone tells me what to do. But only as long as those orders make sense (that's why I'd never make a good soldier).

Like Elaine in Roanoke, I was a "Deaniac", once I started to pay close attention to American politics, that is (2000). It has always riled me that the Dem "top" was happy to leave us (the rural Southerners) behind; Dean's "leave no stone unturned in search of a Dem blade of grass, however pale" made sense to me and I supported it wholeheartedly. I used to send "50 bucks for 50 states" at least a couple of times a year. I quit, when Dean was given the finger and Kaine took over; to me, Kaine's no better than McAuliffe had been (I once got a "questionnaire" from McAuliffe. Pondered, filled it out, and... it wouldn't fit in the return envelope. There was only enough room for a check.)

That goes right to your proposition that we ought to have year-round, paid, staff in every corner (#6). Where's the money to come from? These days, I don't trust the DNC, the DCC, the DSC, and the DPVA to spend my money wisely; I donate either to individual candidates, or to MoveOn and Act Blue. It's unfortunate, because it fosters further fragmentation of funding and efforts but, from what I've been hearing, I'm not alone in taking that attitude.

Re: The perpetual campaign machine (#5).
In theory, I agree; we ought to craft "our story" and push it out, through every possible venue, constantly. Always reacting to the Repubs leaves us in the lame duck position, looking (and sounding) like mewling whiners. Not to mention that their framing is likely to seep into our arguments -- a weak (and wrong) stance.

But, in practice, perpetual campaign seems to translate into the ever larger and redder "Donate" button. And I'm sick and tired of that. It's not possible -- at least not for me -- to remain at the peak of hysteria 24/7/12, without blowing a gasket. Repubs are happy enough in that (constant, but mindless, rage) state; I am not.

Don't know where the middle ground should be, but I've been hanging around with the County Dem Committee, even though I live in the "City" (all 5K citizens or thereabouts). The County meets -- everyone invited, "dutch treat" supper beforehand -- once a month and invites someone interesting (county supervisor, poli-sci prof from W&L or VMI, etc) to speak. Its secretary fires out a regular stream of messages (with no "Donate" buttons), telling us what's going on, what activities (fundraising or not) are coming up, etc. The "City" swings into action once a year, around late August and, even then, is less active than the County. "Coma" doesn't begin to describe it; "terminal life support" is more like it. Yet, it's the "City" that ends up being blue, in every election, while the County's Dem drown in the sea of red.

Points #1-3. Goes without saying (though it's good to actually see/hear it said, once in a while)

#4 "There" as we used to say in Poland "lies the dog, buried" :)

I'm told that Democrats do have a platform... But it's not easy to find, even if one goes searching for it. For someone only marginally interested, it's beyond opaque; it's hermetically sealed off. Is it because they/we are afraid to say what we believe in and stand by it (back to point #2)? Or is it that, like the Repubs, we've reduced ourselves to the "winning is the only thing that matters" mantra, without giving a thought to the idea that principles not only matter but might actually be a means to winning? None of the Dem candidates -- literally none, statewide or local -- claimed the D on their yard signs and/or bumperstickers. We used to sneer at Repubs for doing that (avoiding R ID); now we're doing it ourselves. Why???


Thanks for the "outsider" view (0.00 / 0)
It does come down to money, doesn't it always? I made a stab at anwering that by suggesting some sort of endowment fund in each state. I know that would take a while to build up but it would begin to free us from all those red donate buttons. If you can come up with a better idea, please do so. I laughed at your description of McAuliffe's envelope. Just like the man to do that.  

[ Parent ]
Friedman was not all wrong (0.00 / 0)
Milton Friedman is sometimes thought to be the polar opposite of John Maynard Keynes, and the Conventional Wisdom is that Republicans go with Friedman and Democrats go with Keynes.  

That dichotomy was certainly the case in the late 1960's and early 1970's, but at some point even Richard Nixon acknowledged that "We're all Keynesians now."

The reality is that the economic analysis of both Friedman and Keynes is generally pretty solid; the problem is with the political decisions that people make when they misunderstand them or try to apply their policy recommendations in circumstances that make no sense.

What most politicians think of when they think of Friedman is the idea that you can control economic growth by regulating the money supply.  The only flaw with this notion is the idea that all economic growth is to be controlled by regulating the money supply.  There is no question that lowering interest rates can, in most economic circumstances, spur economic growth.

What most politicians think of when they think of Keynesian economics is the idea that you can promote economic growth by running a governmental deficit.  This is also unquestionably true, but it would be a mistake for a Keynesian to think that changes in money supply don't affect growth.

If you asked most economists, "Are you a Keynesian or a Friedman supporter?", they would say, "Yes."  

Where economists of all stripes -- be they Friedman devotees or Key  Economic theorists don't have a good theory on how to deal with liquidity crises.  As one economics prof told a meeting I was at, "There is a Nobel Prize to the first economist who can figure out how to price liquidity."


Good God, that's crap - as anyone reading the blogs of the leading neo-Keynesians would know (0.00 / 0)
Stiglitz and Krugman have both called for quantitative easing far more extensive than has been done so far; receivership for the zombie banks; and a stimulus without the plethora of non-stimulative tax cuts and 2x the spending.

But Geitner and Summers are more interested in preserving the market position of the money center banks, even if those banks refuse to provide the liquiditing needed to re-start the economy.

Thanks to those two fools, we're in for 4-5 years of weak economic growth before unemployment falls below 6%.

Neo-Keynesians know how to get out of this. This Administration has other priorities.  


[ Parent ]
Obama picked Geithner (0.00 / 0)
to calm nerves on Wall Street, IMO, and Summers because he was a Harvard connection, again IMO. I am beginning to doubt he realized just what he was getting in terms of economic theory, unfortunately. Remember the panic in the streets at the time, I mean in The Street.  

You are right in that these two yahoos have locked us into the existing system, and we are not developing the more advanced macro theory as an alternative to the foolishness of pretending Fredmanism has all the answers. Every time some one makes a burp about doing anything else Republicans howl endlessly against Keynes, sort of a pre-emptive strike to preserve the status quo, which benefits their corporate masters.


[ Parent ]
I don't understand... (0.00 / 0)
...how what you have said and what I have said are in conflict.  You are right that Krugman (I haven't been reading Stiglitz) has called for more stimulus, etc., but even Krugman does not claim that Friedman's analysis of the effects of money supply on economic growth is wrong.  He also notes that for Friedman, the answer to every question of economic policy was "money supply."  His seeming obsession with "money supply" led the MIT economist Robert Solow to write in 1966:
Everything reminds Milton of the money supply. Well, everything reminds me of sex, but I keep it out of the paper.  

Before getting to much into the weeds of Friedman's theories, let's distinguish between the economic theory and the economic policy of monetarism.

In its purest form, monetarism argues that changes in the money supply drive economic growth.  This is classic, pre-Keynesian analysis.  When Friedman was a Keynesian (pre-1946), he argued for an integration of that principle with the Keynesian analysis that held that governmental intervention could also drive economic growth.  It is for this scholarship that Friedman won the Nobel Prize for Economics.  

At some point, he began to turn that into his policy proposal that the best way to keep economic growth on track is to hold the monetary supply absolutely rigidly constant.  This was tried by the U.S. from 1979 to 1982, and didn't work.  By 1984, even the Reagan Federal Reserve Bank had resorted to what should have horrified Friedman -- endlessly tweaking reserve interest rates to try to control money supply.  His policy proposals, therefore, never attained the respect that his original scholarship had commanded.

Krugman's analysis of monetarism is that as an explanation of the business cycle and stabilization policy, it is incomplete and sometimes flat out ineffectual.  In the current crisis, Krugman's analysis of the inefficacy of monetarism is that it doesn't work when you can't cut interest rates any more because they are already near 0%.  

When economic activity begins to turn around -- whether because of the existing stimulus or because of some new round of stimulation -- Friedman's analysis will again be relevant.

My only point here is that the "choice" between being a Keynesian and being a Friedman supporter is a false choice.  Both of their basic theories are taught in economics classes (or were when I was an econ major), both of their analyses are recognized by economists as being useful to an understanding of how economies work.  Those who follow Friedman as their guru are, in my experience, more often wrong in their policy conclusions, and are more often guided by political ideology to the exclusion of compassion or facts.  But that doesn't mean that Friedman's analysis of the role that money supply plays in regulating economic activity is wrong.

And Krugman himself has said as much; in 2007, in the New York Review of Books,Krugman gave a long and nuanced view of Friedman and his work.  In it he noted that Friedman's analysis provided a good theoretical understanding of the condition known as "stagflation," at a time when the U.S. had no real experience with it.  Krugman noted that Friedman's analysis was predictive, not merely an analysis of history.

By predicting the phenomenon of stagflation in advance, Friedman and Phelps achieved one of the great triumphs of postwar economics. This triumph, more than anything else, confirmed Milton Friedman's status as a great economist's economist, whatever one may think of his other roles.

Krugman distinguishes between Friedman as a pure economist and Friedman as a popularizer and as a voice for specific policies.  His conclusion:
Keynesian theory initially prevailed because it did a far better job than classical orthodoxy of making sense of the world around us, and Friedman's critique of Keynes became so influential largely because he correctly identified Keynesianism's weak points. And just to be clear: although this essay argues that Friedman was wrong on some issues, and sometimes seemed less than honest with his readers, I regard him as a great economist and a great man.

My conclusion -- there is room in the study of economics for respect for both Milton Friedman and John Maynard Keynes.

[ Parent ]
The "crap" was the anonymous professor's suggestion that economists don't know how to get out of a liquidity trap. (0.00 / 0)
Of course neo-Keynesians know. Monetarists just don't like the answer: it ignores their obsession and focuses on other metrics.

[ Parent ]
Caroline Hoxby... (0.00 / 0)
is a Stanford economics prof, speaking at a forum at Stanford on October 24.  I think that her comment was not that economists don't know how to get out of a liquidity trap, but rather that if we had some way of putting a price on liquidity, thereby allowing "the market" to factor liquidity into other decision-making, we might be able to avoid the liquidity trap in the first place.  It was just sort of a throw-away line that got some agreement from the other professional economists on the panel, but did not draw prolonged discussion.  I don't know enough of the theory to have my own independent conclusion.

[ Parent ]
That's like Hoxby musing on a "pricing mechanism" for transparency of otherwise insider information. (0.00 / 0)
Its impossible. Just like we cannot put a price on "perfect information" or "rational decision making."

Not every economically virtuous function is subject to the pricing process. That's why regulation is necessary.  The pricing mechanism will not, cannot, cure all of the flaws of capitalism.

Friedman's extreme anti-interventionist ideologies led to the collapse of the financial markets during the junk bond fiasco of the late '80s - early 90s and the current collapse of the CMBS/derivatives markets. The harm his ideology has done to the middle/working classes far outweighs any value in his money supply work.


[ Parent ]
Amen (0.00 / 0)
That's exactly why Democrats must replace Friedman theories now. See Summary point 2.

[ Parent ]
Can't local committees gather the list themselves? (4.00 / 1)
I know that it would be nice if OFA would just hand the lists of volunteers out to the party, but can't they just gather the lists themselves?

I mean, how many super active people are there in the party anyway? They are probably the ones who show up at the events. If they don't show up at events, they are the ones blogging.

And can't the local party committees gather the list and then just share it an some common server?

And won't the list of people who voted in the primaries tell us who are the most active voting Democrats? I don't know about this one, but I do know that they keep those records when you go to vote.


we're talking about volunteers and voters who were active in '08 for the first time. (0.00 / 0)
So, no the local committees can't gather a list they never had.  If we could we wouldn't have asked OFA.

It's especially hard in Va. where there is no party registration that might have ID'd the new voters in other states.


[ Parent ]
Transitory residence (0.00 / 0)
is also characteristic of many of the so-called "new" voters (see some earlier comments about "Suzie is at college" or "the apartment was vacant," etc). In NoVa especially, people move, a lot.

I made requests to install signs and left GOTV lit based on a list of what someone in the Party figured was Strong or Lean Dem based on voting record (meaning voting in Dem primary, presidential election, etc).... and a few times I had the distinct feeling that the voter in question was not our side, their plain voting record did not indicate political affiliation.

Thanks to the candidate-centric, totally election oriented cycle of Party set-up, useful up-to-date voter lists for general Party use are rara avis. Think what we could do if such were not the case, if we had good Party lists which included not just voting records but special causes, and how we could, say, turn up public pressure on legislators or officials, prevent some sneaky republican machinations by exposing them.  Think how we could possibly improve turnout in primaries or for other purposes.... that's why maybe local Committees (not State) need to make nice with OFA---- don't we often have common causes?  


[ Parent ]
Its OFA whose's giving local D committees the stiff arm (0.00 / 0)
n/t

[ Parent ]
This is not a new problem (4.00 / 1)
It may seem as if an unorganized Democratic Coalition in Virginia is only a recent phenomenom, but it isn't. Indeed this state of affairs has been existing all of my political memory.

What we can do is spend the next few weeks and months talking honestly about what core values are important to emphasize in attempting to connect with who are right now one time "Obama drop ins." In discussing this, we should be prepared to not "be all things to all people." Every election outside of the Presidential is essentially a base activation exercise. Growing the base means finding and connecting with people who can sign on to most of our agenda most of the time. There are thousands of them, even if some of them think they are strictly and uniquely "independent" as to political thought and philosophy.

 


Good observation (0.00 / 0)
and it fits in with Summary point 2 in that Democrats must stop this Republican Lite nonsense and establish explicitly what they stand for in broad terms (that does not mean a checklist of specific causes like abortion, no mountain-top removal, windmills, or climate change). I believe we do know what we stand for, but it has not been laid out as forcefully as have the Republican theories so we have not had an ability to frame issues or respond to Republicans agressively and instantly, nor to educate our candidates much less our voters.

We cannot wait for a charismatic leader to flush out these closet Democrats.    


[ Parent ]
A really good set of comments n/t (0.00 / 0)


"One person, one vote" died at the hands of SCOTUS, January 21, 2010

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